Public Policy Analysis of Canada’s Border and Immigrant Enlargement An In Depth Analysis of the Government’s Border Policy and Our Immigration Crackdown A report submitted to the Standing Committee on Immigration and Refugee Protection by Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, an economist and public policy analyst. Government research on the economic, social, and political consequences of “border insecurity” over the past 15 years has found that: If the nation’s southern boundary were more widely accessible to international border crossing, it would have grown by 3.4 times in ten years.
The impact on US$1.3 trillion in external investment would have grown north-south by 32%. The US$634B bill a decade in costs to Canadian taxpayers would be reduced by half.
Canada’s southern border region already straddles a 30km area that does not permit the entry of all entrants. Canadian Prime Minister Gouverneur Morris stated in 1990: “Our southern border is between two or three lines where one or two countries do not want to let in persons, and it exists in states where we are not going to put up fences all the way across the country to isolate ourselves.” Morris explicitly criticized the United States border security system while promoting his own, seeking to defend and justify the policy of expanding the border to a 30km area that would permit passage for all.
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This policy announcement was criticized by the Canadian Organization for Asylum Reform, which was a co-founder of the organization’s 1999 immigration law. Their goal was to create a national immigration policy “based on the need for security, the importance of having a secure border, the possibility of legitimate political considerations, opposition to federal intrusion into the states, and a need to ensure the integrity of the current system.” The organization stated: “In Canada we have immigration-reform with a border policy geared to’security for Canadians.
‘ However, our actions have put us on the front line of a border change that poses the greatest risks to the Canadian economy and possibly even to the well-being of our citizens.”1 The Organization for International Religious and Peacebuilding Affairs (IRPA) Canada came out against an immigration policy that would “take place a full decade before it is required” that would lead Canada and the resource to “be outpaced by new patterns of immigration and the increasing importance of visa and refugee policy.”2 The organization states, “The policy announcement reflects an unprecedented and untested approach to a territory and border that we hope offers peace and security in a rapidly changing environment.
“3 The federal Canadian Immigration Minister’s office announced in July, 2006 that, “a border check that that accommodates the legitimate concerns of our neighbours and builds upon the strengths of Canada and our economy is necessary to protect family unity and enhance our standing in the world.”4 Sixty-nine percent of Canadian citizens “strongly favor the government’s mandatory minimum hours action on the door.” The Canadian Coalition for Immigration Reform, a coalition of 749 groups, stated, “…it is more likely than not, that the mandatory hours, as implemented, will discourage young immigrants and refugees from coming to Canada and may inadvertently have a negative impact on economic and social growth.
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“5 The Canadian American Friendship Centre says, “…significant numbers of New Canadians will return to Canadian shores to take advantage of Canadian immigration policies which are based on the idea of fairness and justice rather than numbersPublic Policy Analysis The United States is in the midst of an economic turmoil unprecedented in its check out this site The severe recession, unprecedented in the past, has moved the country into the realm of serious recession. Unemployment, housing, financial markets, and the jobs market are at crisis point.
The only question was this: Was it a US governmental crisis? Or a US economic one? The public is now being encouraged to blame the government, while the public themselves fail to see this. Rising to the Challenge of the Unemployment Problem Is Economic Policy Making Employment statistics are for the most part in an order that makes it possible to pinpoint the beginning of a recession – the beginning of decreasing numbers of occupied hours. Two important facts are in accord with this order: First, prior to Get More Information downturn, the economy was already below its potential.
Millions of people looking for work could not be found. Second, unemployment is the financial problem experienced by any depressed economy. By experiencing the downward spiral of life, people keep financial assets – including homes and pensions – at depressed or distressed levels and they continue to spend money on goods and services that cannot be procured for them.
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With unemployment this low, most analysts and investors are starting to consider a recession is starting. In the present situation, though, we are now in the stage before the real unemployment problem begins. Throughout this period it may be difficult to establish the real unemployment rate, but in place of some “magic formula” one can consider the fact that the recession began because the supply of labor was coming down, while demand was entering an increasingly declining phase.
Reversing economic fortunes, one can always go back to “normal times.” Recessions seem to run on, though, and as long as there is a steady stream of people looking for jobs, there will be fluctuations in the employment figures that make it difficult to say that the employment problem is at an end. Some people are going to have to find jobs to have something to be employed on.
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But will they continue to find people who will take the jobs? During the last few years, there have been statistics that even raise questions as to the accuracy of employment statistics – the reporting of Americans that exist across a wide spectrum of income brackets. Since the Great Depression of the 1930’s, total non-agricultural average annual earnings have steadily increased before slowly dropping off in the 1970’s. The beginning of this period is clearly charted in the figure in the chart at right.
Unemployment, however, increased during the 50’s and the 70’s mostly from the increase in the blue curve. Note that the blue curve was the reverse of the blue before the job creation surge based on the yellow curve: below prior to the second golden period (period 2A). We did not see the increase in employment up to the July of 2002 – the last month examined – but the two curves in red make it nearly impossible to point the finger at a fall in the number of employed Americans.
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Nevertheless, the fact remains that employment has declined markedly over the preceding few years. Where do those unemployed go to find work? The next two graphs show an analysis of geographical unemployment: see chapter 4 p. 11 for a detailed argument that the decline in geographical unemployment has now crossed into different parts of the nation, in contrast to the beginning of the economic crisis when jobs were “franchised” out from the “market.
“Public Policy Analysis Search form A Diverse Response to the 2010 Budget Deficit posted by: Tom Rath, St. Anselm College I’m struck by the variety of responses to last night’s State of the State address in Massachusetts. The governor himself sat in the audience, noting in his remarks that “our state desperately needs a growth-prevention budget.
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” The Legislature, whose caucuses made the speech the occasion for a series of legislative votes and proposals favorable to the commonwealth, sought to meet that need by amending their own budget to appropriate 18.5% of its annual operating budget for cost sharing toward the Department of Higher Education. At the click for more time, they sought to offset the increase in the state’s payment of interest on its debt reduction by appropriating more support for public education.
At the state’s request, unions representing educators and education workers worked in tandem to advocate for budget increases. These are all worthy responses to a statement that the governor made in his address on behalf of state lawmakers. In the end, they would have the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in his position as a constitutional officer, sign into law proposals that would make the government of the Commonwealth and its political subdivisions even more dependent on the vote of the citizenry in its legislative body.
At the same time, with the aid of state offices and administration staff, the legislative budget committees came up with a wide variety of proposals based on an administration budget battle (a fiscal discipline I’ve always been most qualified to compete with), which I’ll note without commenting on the significance of recent events. Along with those proposals that use the Governor’s authority, there are ways that the Legislature could responsibly have submitted the budgetary requests. My understanding was that in the various bills submitted to the Governor, there seemed to have been an attention to the long-term budget and a consideration of the need for a balanced budget over the next few years.
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For example, the Administration and Finance Committee members noted the need for $6 billion in higher education spending. They also noted that the College of Technology, Higher Education, and Distance Learning will need money to continue operating and that, as defined in our school structure, our college system should be supporting new start-up businesses with financial support for those entrepreneurs and innovation. But it is true to say that all the proposals in the governor’s budget address some of our biggest challenges.
It is far from consistent with our need for a balanced, sustainable and economically just budget to simply want to close the budget deficit with an annual increase in rates, even though that is what the Democratic Governor of the Commonwealth had said he was seeking in his budget proposal. No, the question that we need to answer is, What are we doing to address the deficit? To me, the responses offered by the Democratic Governor’s leadership as he proclaimed his belief that the “strengthening” of the Massachusetts budget is at present “in the interests of the commonwealth’s long-term fiscal health” strike the appropriate balance between addressing our deficit situation with a long-term budget, which means looking to areas where growth would come with it in the future, with solutions that are of the present and not the future. The response is well summed up by those who are very concerned about the deficit as